И выборы – это тупиковая ветвь борьбы, и бороться надо не лично с мэром Гурвицем, а против всей буржуазной власти, и бессмысленно бороться с глобализацией экономики, т.к. это есть объективный процесс развития капитализма.
К слову, леворадикальные группы, участвующие в протестах против саммитов G-8 и всемирных экономических форумов называют себя не «антиглобалистами», «альтерглобалистами», подчеркивая этим, что они не против глобализации вообще – они против буржуазной, имперской, а сейчас уже фашистской глобализации, основанной на частной собственности со всеми вытекающими последствиями.
«Альтерглобалисты» - это люди, выступающие «за» альтернативную глобализацию, социалистическую глобальную экономику, основанную на обобществленных средствах производства и, как следствие, совершенно на других принципах распределения продукта в мировом масштабе.
Справедливо подметил автор «Доклада», что «глобализация открывает хорошие перспективы для мировой революции. Но когда мы пытаемся открыть на это (очевидно, мировую революцию – А.Я.) рабочим активистам глаза, нас называют провокаторами.
Причину этого мы видим в том, что рабочие активисты стоят на мелкобуржуазных позициях».
Вывод у «делегата» оригинальный: «пора запретить своим членам распространять буржуазные, мелкобуржуазные и оппортунистические газеты».
В один ряд поставлены такие издания, как «Наше дело», «Дуэль», «Завтра», «Совет рабочих депутатов» (Губкина). И вывод: «Это привело к тому, что наши молодогвардейцы и комсомольцы пошли по пути, который им подкинули провокаторы – они занялись террором и экспроприациями…»
Я и есть один из тех «комсомольцев, попавших на путь, подкинутый провокаторами», о которых говорит «делегат».
Интересно получается: вас рабочие активисты называют провокаторами, вы называете провокаторами всех вокруг себя! Много же вы наработаете, считая всех «мелкобуржуазными шовинистами» и «провокаторами»!!!
Тут, как говорится, нечего на зеркало пенять, коли рожа крива.
Плохо работаете, раз рабочие вас не понимают.
Но мне бы хотелось сказать о другом.
«Они (комсомольцы) занялись террором и экспроприациями» - это величайшая провокация СБУ против комсомольцев, официально оформленная в материалах дела № 144. И вы, «делегат», не можете не знать, как рождалось это уголовное дело! Через пытки многих ребят, через смерть Сергея Бердюгина!!!
Знаете вы всё это, но повторяете вслед за СБУ небылицы о «терроре и экспроприациях». Вы, «делегат», такой же провокатор и лжец, как и вся буржуазная правоохранительная система Украины! И не ссылайтесь на Ленина! Вам не понять дух настоящих большевиков!
Вам невдомек, что политическое классовое рабочее движение и не вырастет без боевой организации профессиональных революционеров. Организации, которую и создавал Ленин.
А Вы, «делегат», находите у Ленина только удобные для Вас цитаты, оправдывающие Ваше собственное бездействие. Вот поэтому Вас лично не преследует охранка, поэтому и газету Вашу не закрывают.
Чего, например, не скажешь о «Дуэли», которую закрыл фашист Путин, и о редакции «Совет рабочих депутатов», которая постоянно попадает под репрессии властей.
Но как вы все это поймете и оцените, если уверены, что все вокруг провокаторы, один Вы – революционер.
Андрей Яковенко, политзаключенный
Colombia Spies on Fellowship of Reconciliation and Other Human Rights
Wednesday 24 December 2008
The government of Colombia has been busy spying on human rights groups.
Colombian government agencies have intercepted more than 150 e-mail
accounts of nonviolent groups like the Fellowship of Reconciliation
and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, as well as Colombian
NGOs, according to the Fellowship of Reconciliation. Colombia was
intercepting e-mails from members of the Fellowship of Reconciliation
who were even in the United States, the group says.
Colombia's police intelligence agency began the intercepts in December
2006 and continued to get them as recently as November 2008.
The Colombian NGOs that were monitored were: The Movement for Victims
of States Crimes, the Colombian Network for Action on Free Trade, the
Alvear Restrepo Lawyers Collective, and the Yira Castro human rights
This surveillance spells danger for members of these groups, since
Colombian paramilitary squads, often working hand in glove with the
military, have savagely persecuted human rights workers and labor
organizers over the last several decades.
"Intercepting e-mails of nonviolent activists . . . puts at risk our
field team and the communities we work with by suggesting that those
working for peace and human rights are subversive, legitimate targets
for right wing violence," says John Lindsay-Poland, co-director of the
Fellowship's Latin America and the Caribbean program.
Now fourteen U.S. groups—including Across the Americas, Amnesty
International USA, the Center for International Policy, the Fellowship
of Reconciliation, Forging Alliances North and South, Global Exchange,
Human Rights First, the Jesuit Conference, the Latin American Working
Group, School of the Americas Watch, the United Church of Christ, the
U.S. Office on Colombia, the Washington Office on Latin America, and
Witness for Peace—have written a letter to U.S. Ambassador William
Brownfield urging him to prevail on Colombian authorities to
"investigate, discipline, and prosecute all public officials involved
in ordering the e-mail intercepts."
In their letter, the U.S. groups also hold Washington accountable.
"The United States bears significant responsibility in this matter,
given that the agencies involved in these actions—National Police,
Defense Ministry, and Attorney General's Office—are recipients of
extensive U.S. assistance," the letter states. For instance, in 2006,
the State Department gave the police intelligence agency a $5 million
contract to provide "Internet surveillance software," the letter notes.
"As a result," says the letter, "U.S. taxpayers were apparently paying
for Colombian agencies to spy on legitimate U.S. and Colombian
Testimonies from political prisoners
We are more than 7,200 political prisoners
Peace and Justice for Colombia / Monday 19 January 2009
Political prisoners, a term that many Colombians are used to hearing
but few acknowledge and many prefer to forget they exist. The
political prisoners are those compatriots that for thinking
differently are excluded and incarcerated for supposedly representing
a danger to society. "Rebels", "terrorists", are a few of the names
chosen by the Colombian government to call those people from different
sectors of society and social classes who dare to think about a
different type of country.
persecuted with different excuses— the fight against communism,
against narco-trafficking, and now, against terrorism. First we were
witnesses to the persecution and death of an entire political party,
our UP (Union Patriotica ), then the repression against the
campesinos for residing in rural areas where there was guerrilla
activity and the government named them as "collaborators", then
against social activists, indigenous peoples and community leaders as
well as students and teachers particularly those from public
universities, (this is typical of fascist regimes).
Please find attached some testimonies from the political prisoners
held at the National Women's prison in Bogota.
testimony collected by Liliany Obando, Political Prisoner
I, Blanca Nora Bastidas Carvajal, am a woman of campesino origins. My
parents, originally from Nariño, like many poor families, migrated to
Putumayo, where, as settlers they began to clear the jungle and make
their homestead in search of better living conditions. I came there
when I was very little with my parents and I helped them to work on
the farm. I remember that we used to sow tomatoes, beans, peanuts,
bananas, yucca, corn, rice, and we also raised chickens and hogs, all
for the family's consumption. We used to sell the little harvest of
corn and rice that was possible to trade. I have been in Putumayo most
of my life, where I met the father of my two daughters and with him,
also, dedicated ourselves to the work of agriculture. When I separated
from him I became the sole provider for my two daughters and took on
the role as head of the family, but I also assumed the care of my
three little grandchildren, with my daughter already widowed at her
age of 19 years. I went to live in Piñuño Negro and begun to work in
hairdressing and managed to set up my own salon from which I received
the income that I used to support my daughters and grandchildren.
While in Piñuño Negro I took courses in nursing at the Health Center
and through the decision of the Presidents of the 15 localities of
Piñuño Negro I was selected as a member of the regional health committee.
Unfortunately, because of living in a region where there is the
presence of guerrillas the inhabitants that live there have been
permanently harassed by the public forces and we experienced our
rights being breached regardless of our gender or age.
I have been the victim of two unjust imprisonments and for the same
supposed crime: "Rebellion". In the first occasion, the 24th of April,
2006, police agents arrived at my beauty salon with a warrant to
search my property and take me into custody. They told me that I was
implicated in a guerrilla action in TTY, despite me not even knowing
that place. Along with me they detained a teacher. A few months
before, the police had detained fourteen residents from Piñuño Negro,
among them three women, victims of the same process. The teacher and I
were taken by an army Coast Guard vessel to Puerto Ospina. Those who
detained us took us to a Marine Infantry ship and the next day we were
transported by an Army helicopter to Puerto Asis. At the airport a
police vehicle was waiting for us and took us to the local police
station. Our families, neighbours and representatives of the Community
Action Council of Piñuño made several calls to the police station to
find out about our status but the police told them that they didn't
have any knowledge about us. Then the neighbours and relatives
requested help from the Red Cross and Human rights organisations. Only
then did the police station admit that we were detained there. I was
detained all day in a small cell handcuffed to the bars of a window
and even when I needed to go to the toilet the handcuffs were not removed.
On the 26th of April, we were taken to the prison of Puerto Asis,
which at that time was a mixed prison. At that moment they took us to
a preliminary hearing where we finally heard about the charges. I was
accused of the homicide of two soldiers that had been killed in a
guerrilla action in TTY. Just to listen to such a charge I felt like
the ground gave way beneath me and I couldn't stop crying over the
desk for quite a long time. Those who accused us were two witnesses
whose faces we did not see. Their names were Norbey Osorio and Neider
Damian, I remember that those were the names. After the preliminary
hearing the women that were at the mixed prison were taken to a new
prison in which cells had to be paid for in the women's section.
Later the witnesses that accused us did not return to appear in court
and after seven days of captivity we were released and recovered our
freedom. Then I returned to the village and continued working in my
hairdressing salon. In 2007, I continued being a member of the Health
Committee and was also affiliated with the Putumayo Campesinos
Association that is affiliated with FENSUAGRO.
The 24th of February, 2008, agents from DAS (Administrative Department
of Security) arrived at the Village of Piñuño Negro and began to take
the people of the town and from the districts to the sports center.
There more than 200 people were gathered together. They separated
women and men into two rows and, after requesting their identification
cards, began to arrest some people on the spot. They stopped me near
my house, where I was walking with my granddaughter. The agents of DAS
never identified themselves nor did they show any order to search my
house. Later they said to me that because I had a criminal record from
the previous detention (from which I had been released) I was being
detained. They took us all to the Marine Infantry vessel. We two women
who were detained that day were put in one cabin and in the other, the
12 men. They had us there for three days, sleeping on mats on the
floor. Our food was sent to us by neighbors from the village. Later
they transferred us to Puerto Asís, Putumayo. All the detained are
campesinos and the majority of us are affiliated with the Campesino
Association of Putumayo-ASCAP, which is an affiliate of FENSUAGRO.
They kept us at the Puerto Asis battalion for two days incommunicado.
Then they transferred us to the police station. Once there, human
rights lawyers successfully freed us via a Habeas Corpus. We were
released at about 11pm. I went to a house in the town along with one
of the other detainees, Epifania Quiñónez.
Around two in the morning some men dressed in civilian clothing
arrived banging at the door to detain us again, saying that they were
from the police. They took Epifania and me to the police station and
the next day took us to the airport and in a Hercules belonging to the
Army, they moved us to Bogotá. They did not explain why. They took us
as we were without clothing or anything else. Our accusers say that I
am a nurse for the guerrilla only because I belong to the Regional
Health Committee of Piñuño Negro.
In Bogota, they kept us in the facilities of DAS for some seven days.
They only allowed us one hour of sunlight. Then the women were
transferred to the Buen Pastor Women's Prison and the men to the
I want to denounce the way in which the Army and the Justice
institutions pass ordinary people off as guerrilla deserters who then
give evidence against the population in the same way that happened to
us. Mr. Polo and his brother Edwin Murcia, their parents and their
brothers were known as local farmers but they were passed off as
guerrilla deserters to accuse us.
I ask myself, where is the seriousness of the public prosecutors and
judges? Why don't they investigate first? A similar case involves the
son of the couple Alfonso Lizcano and Teresa Leiva, who presented
himself as a guerrilla deserter but we all knew him as local youth in
the town. That is the result of so called informant's networks, and
also of the rewards program and the "false positives" 
On 24th of November, 2008, I finished nine months since the moment of
my detention, nine months under arrest with my legal situation
unresolved, nine months since I was violently separated from my
daughters and my grandchildren. I could not be at the birth of my
younger granddaughter and today I am here suffering thinking about
them as they were left abandoned. They have not even permitted me to
have contact with my family by relocating me to a jail closer to where
my daughters live.
During these nine months, due to our impoverished situation and the
long distance, I have not been able to receive a visit from my
daughters. Only on one opportunity my 16 year old daughter came to see
me but because she didn't bring an original copy of her ID she could
not enter the patio. We were only allowed a short visit of 25 minutes,
after putting up with the humiliating treatment to which the guard
submitted us, so much that she didn't even want to allow us to give
each other a hug.
In my case, I hope that at least, while they resolve my juridical
situation, they will give me house arrest so that I can be closer to
my grandchildren and take care of them.
After all the persecution that I have been victim of, I fear for my
security if I do return to my town and I also fear for the security of
my daughters, whom I have not been able to relocate due to a lack of
We hope that the Senators involved in the struggle for our rights as
women can enact laws that in our case, as political and social
prisoners, takes into consideration our role as single mothers who are
heads of our families and allow us to be held in home detention while
our juridical situations are being resolved or while we serve our
sentences. Not to do so not only violate our rights as mothers, but
also those of our children.
We also hope that today, the country may be informed that we are more
than 7,200 political prisoners, that we are in the jails for our work
organizing in our communities, for denouncing the outrages committed
against us by the Public Forces, for thinking differently, or for the
simple act of living in zones of conflict.
My name is Paola Ramírez. I am a student completing the third semester
of a degree in political science at the National University of
Colombia. Up until three weeks ago I was teaching at a college for
adult education and, together with my partner, worked at an internet
On November 4 this year, I was captured with my partner Andrés Reyes
(a community leader and systems technician) for the crime of rebellion
as the result of an armed setup which located our names on the
supposed PC of a leader of the FARC .
Despite having insufficient evidence and no criminal record, the
prosecutor argued in our presence that we were not fit to live in
society, that we were dangerous, and that we did not deserve access to
those benefits that so many paramilitaries, murderers, thieves,
narco-traffickers...that they have access to with incredible ease.
Is the danger we represent the fact that we study, teach or, worse,
help our communities? No, the danger we represent is belonging to the
opposition, studying and reading "prohibited books".
It is necessary, or better said, urgent for the whole of Colombian
society to become aware of this situation, that each one might think
about how they could become the next victim and that it is urgent to
put an end to this witch hunt so that at last a country might be born
in which there is a place for everyone.
Nov. 26, 2008-Bogotá DC RNM "Buen Pastor"
My name is Gloria Yaneth Calvache Vargas. I was captured on the 10 th
of February, 2004 at two in the morning in Peñas Coloradas "El Caguan"
with 16 more people including children and minors, workers and a fifty
year old sick woman, also the guerrillera Anayibe Rojas Valderrama -
who goes by the name of "Sonia" - and another four guerrilleros. These
armed people were there at our farm they came to ask for accommodation
in the late hours of the night.
The capture was arbitrary, because the authorities treated us like
guerrilleros and they took us out half- dressed, threw us to the
ground, handcuffed us and placed their feet on our backs. They took us
to the Battalion of Florencia, Caquetá by helicopter. There they
psychologically abused us saying that if we would not collaborate they
would kill us. I began to demand my rights and adequate treatment for
the sick woman and they took me to a filthy bathroom and said to me
that if I didn't be quiet they would take me somewhere worse.
They moved us to the Bunker in the city of Bogotá. The treatment
changed a lot—there was only one thing that displeased me, that was
the visit of the DEA—they were gringos—and a woman translated what
they were saying: "Collaborate"; and because we didn't tell them what
they wanted to hear they kicked a boy and insulted him.
On the farm they seized the coca base, which my husband had been given
to guard. Practically all the people in this zone were living off this
and the government knew all about that. I didn't know it was there,
since just the day before I had arrived from traveling. The case is
that they condemned my husband to eight years for this crime. I was
detained two years and four months.
During this time that I was detained, my family suffered an intense
persecution. They lived in Gigante Huila. The paramilitaries
threatened them saying that they were helping the guerrillas and that
they had information that a sister was being detained for being the
wife of "Sonia's" brother. My mother and my brothers were displaced
together with my little brothers. My daughter was only six little
years old at the time. The same thing happened to my aunt's family.
Without money and with only a few pieces of clothing, they didn't have
enough for a hotel. The children missed a year of education.
My despairing brothers traveled to Chaparral, Tolima with supposed
friends and were disappeared (my two brothers, the wife of one of them
and the husband of an aunt—there were four of them disappeared). My
mother made a report to the attorney generals office and up until this
moment, we haven't had any information of their whereabouts. We have
heard information through others that they were assassinated, but the
bodies have not been found.
At the time I felt so powerless I didn't know what to do. I spoke to
the Director of the penitentiary— Dr. Yeny Morantes. This worried her
a good deal and she called the office of Derechos Humanos. I made the
comment to them that, please, would they work with me to recover the
bodies by means of the Red Cross or through another entity but they
didn't do anything.
This went on for three years. My mother and my aunt and also the
pregnant wife of one of my brother's, remained alone without any help
and with minors under their care. This city remained very hard for
them and they returned to Huila, of course this was another city
because they are not able to return to Gigante (Huila). Being
detained, I had some visits, on two occasions an Army Captain and
another person in the army; I don't know what rank he had. They told
me that if I might testify against "Sonia", that if I would do it,
that an attorney from the United States would come to directly
supervise my statement, take me out of the jail and take me and all my
family to the U.S. to live and give me money to live very well.
What had happened was that they did not have proof to condemn "Sonia",
but if I made a statement against her it would be convincing proof
because of me being her sister-in-law, and thus would condemn her to
the maximum penalty. I responded to them that I could not do that
because I never saw "Sonia" doing these things. So they were saying to
me that I might say "That she used to buy coca and meet with Narcos in
This is what they asked me to say and I never saw such a thing. It
seems that these are very low strategies of the government.
I left with time served in August of 2006, in order to avoid a trial
since I found myself pregnant, I decided to accept charges. They gave
my husband house arrest, with us enduring a very heavy economic
situation. Then they captured my husband on the 19th of August, 2008
because they opened another investigation, saying that he is the
replacement for his sister, Sonia. They set him up because the reality
is otherwise. We don't have anything to pay rent, not even for diapers
for our baby. General Naranjo said in a press release that my husband
was sending shipments of drugs to other countries and that he had wine
cellars and hidden assets, and if this were true we would at least
have money for a lawyer, but we don't even have it for our children.
On the 15th of October, 2008 they captured me here in Bogotá, but the
DAS didn't have an arrest warrant. At the Paloquemao police station,
they wouldn't take me because my capture was illegal. At the moment
that they captured me they did not treat me badly, but when they took
me to DAS in the truck, they called me a guerrillera and verbally
abused me. I was at the DAS offices in Cundinamarca for two nights and
I asked for house arrest because it was very difficult for my mother
to be left in charge of my daughters because she has in her care two
other minors and she can't count on the help from anyone. We don't
have proper quarters and she has to work in order to subsist with my
little brothers and my daughters.
They denied me house arrest because, according to the judge, I have
three daughters, one who is an adult, and two minors, and also they
denied me because of an express legal prohibition. The truth is I
don't understand these things much, but I believe that I have the
right to be with my daughters and I don't know where the judge gets
that I have an adult daughter. The two daughters I have are two and
ten years old.
Despairingly, I asked INPEC (Instituto Nacional Penitenciario y
Carcelario) to allow me to bring my baby of two years to the
penitentiary to live with me and be able to offer her the love and
attention that she needs, since several of my compañeras have their
babies with them in this place. But they didn't accept it, saying that
they canceled the Institute's contract with Family Welfare. I cried to
them, I begged them, I implored the Director and the Sub-director, but
it was in vain. I am struggling so that in the appeal to the judge he
will reconsider me for that benefit of home detention. The truth is I
need it so much for my daughters and my mother. My ten year old
daughter is very affected by all this, since she has had to suffer two
captures of her parents in her short life! This will irremediably
affect any child of this age and the only crime that I have committed
has been to be in love with the brother of a great guerrillera. Had it
not been for the publicity that they gave her, perhaps they would not
have been so interested in our case, but this has influenced it a
They condemned me to 160 months, or thirteen years. I ask myself,
where is the reduction for accepting their charges and avoiding a
trial and not continuing to expend the state's judicial apparatus? I
think that this state is unjust and does not respect the right to
Why is it so that a person is judged without evidence, such as
"Sonia", and behind this act they are incapable of judging her here in
our country?  And do they really have the cowardice to use the
possessive "US" in order to condemn her? And it is all the more grave,
without evidence, to violate her rights as a person, as a woman, and
as a mother.
Why now do they have to make use of a vile setup against her brother,
without evidence, only because they pay corrupt people without morals
to testify against the innocent person in order to be able to
extradite and condemn? We, the political prisoners, also have rights
to be with our children and the state might keep us in mind for the
power to exercise our dignity with respect and humanity.
"Thank you for listening to me."
 The UP was a party of the Left that included guerrilleros who were
laying down arms to enter the political process. They won many votes
in Colombia; however, more than 4,000 of their elected officials and
candidates were systematically assassinated, forcing the UP to
dissolve and the former guerrilleras to return to armed struggle.
 "False Positives" is the term used for the wide spread practice in
the Colombian military of detaining and/or killing persons and falsely
claiming them to be guerrilla combatants. Most targeted are
campesinos, the indigenous, and Afro-Colombians. Recently released
documents show that the CIA has known since 1994 about the regular use
of "false positives" and the "body count mentality" in the Colombian
military and Uribe administration by measuring their success in the
conflict with guerrillas by way of the number of corpses and detainees
 The PC mentioned here would be the computer recovered that
belonged to "Raul Reyes", FARC commander and main negotiator for the
release of FARC-held prisoners. The international police organization
has said that the source of computer documents could not be
authenticated and that the Colombian government's handling of the
computer evidence "did not conform to internationally recognized
principles". Furthermore, on Dec. 1st, 2008, Colombian Police Captain
and anti-terrorist investigator, Ronald Hayden Coy Ortiz, who examined
the computers while they were in Colombian custody, recently declared,
under oath, that the computers did not contain any emails, only Word
documents. However, it has been the supposed "emails" contained on the
computer that have been used to place several opposition figures under
investigation, including Liliany Obando, who collected these testimonies.
 Sonia was sent to the United States to stand trial, rather than go
on trial in Colombia. She was sentenced to 17 years, which she is
serving in the US. According to a report by the Fight Back newspaper,
"'what took place in this courtroom today was anything but justice.
This is a frame-up, pure and simple,' stated Mick Kelly outside the
D.C. courtroom. Kelly, who helps lead the defense work for another
Colombian political prisoner, Ricardo Palmera, added, `In the course
of the trial the prosecution called on a band of professional liars to
testify. There was the $15,000-a month DEA informant, Rocío Alvarez.
Then there were the tales of the retired Colombian National Police
officer, Mauricio Moreno, who spoke of plots to sell cocaine to the
paramilitaries and then steal it. And then there was `Juan Valdez'
whose testimony was a collection of lies.' During the sentencing
hearing, defense attorney Carmen Hernandez pressed for a new trial.
She cited the fact that the testimony of `Juan Valdez' was completely
discredited and this amounted to new evidence. She also pointed out
that her interviews with the jurors after Sonia's conviction indicated
that they were influenced by the `Juan Valdez' testimony. Judge
Robinson agreed that the `Juan Valdez' testimony was dubious at best,
but then he ruled against a new trial."
Colombian military should not try key human rights case
Amnesty International / Thursday 22 January 2009
A key human rights case in Colombia could be handed over to the
country's military justice system, should a civilian judge rule in
favour of the request.
Retired army colonel Luis Alfonso Plazas Vega is currently on trial in
the civilian courts for his alleged part in the enforced disappearance
of 11 people in 1985.
Luis Alfonso Plazas was arrested in July 2007 in relation to the
disappearances, which took place during the military assault on the
Palace of Justice in Bogotá.
The assault took place after M-19 guerrillas took those inside hostage
in November 1985. Over 100 people died, including 12 Supreme Court judges.
Amnesty International has condemned efforts by the military justice
system to take charge of the criminal investigation.
"The military justice system has been key in ensuring that impunity
continues to be a defining feature of Colombia's long-running internal
conflict," said Marcelo Pollack, Amnesty International's Colombia
"Under no circumstances must the civilian courts agree to hand over
responsibility for this case to their military counterparts."
A civilian judge will decide on 23 January whether or not to accept
the request from the military justice system.
If the request is rejected then the Superior Council of the Judiciary
(Consejo Superior de la Judicatura) will have the final say with
regards to which institution has jurisdiction over the case.
In 1997, Colombia's Constitutional Court ruled that all cases
implicating the security forces in serious human rights abuses must be
investigated by the civilian justice system.
The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights have repeatedly made similar
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